موضوعات
آموزش و پرورش
ادبیات و زبان
پزشکی، دندانپزشکی و داروسازی
تاریخ و جغرافیا
داستان و رمان
دیگر
دین و فلسفه
روانشناسی
ریاضیات و آمار
سلامتی، تناسب اندام و رژیم غذایی
شیمی و پلیمر
علوم اجتماعی و حقوق
علوم زیستی و بیوتکنولوژی
فیزیک و نجوم
کامپیوتر و اینترنت
کتابهای کودکان و داستان
کسب و کار و اقتصاد
کشاورزی و دامپزشکی و غذا
معماری
مهندسی و فناوری
هنر و تئاتر
محصولات
The Audacity of Hope. Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream - Original PDF
نویسندگان: خلاصه: Republicans and Democrats ON MOST DAYS, I enter the Capitol through the basement. A small subway train carries me from the Hart Building, where my office is located, through an underground tunnel lined with the flags and seals of the fifty states. The train creaks to a halt and I make my way, past bustling staffers, maintenance crews, and the occasional tour group, to the bank of old elevators that takes me to the second floor. Stepping off, I weave around the swarm of press that normally gathers there, say hello to the Capitol Police, and enter, through a stately set of double doors, onto the floor of the U.S. Senate. The Senate chamber is not the most beautiful space in the Capitol, but it is imposing nonetheless. The dun-colored walls are set off by panels of blue damask and columns of finely veined marble. Overhead, the ceiling forms a creamy white oval, with an American eagle etched in its center. Above the visitors’ gallery, the busts of the nation’s first twenty vice presidents sit in solemn repose. And in gentle steps, one hundred mahogany desks rise from the well of the Senate in four horseshoe-shaped rows. Some of these desks date back to 1819, and atop each desk is a tidy receptacle for inkwells and quills. Open the drawer of any desk, and you will find within the names of the senators who once used it—Taft and Long, Stennis and Kennedy—scratched or penned in the senator’s own hand. Sometimes, standing there in the chamber, I can imagine Paul Douglas or Hubert Humphrey at one of these desks, urging yet again the adoption of civil rights legislation; or Joe McCarthy, a few desks over, thumbing through lists, preparing to name names; or LBJ prowling the aisles, grabbing lapels and gathering votes. Sometimes I will wander over to the desk where Daniel Webster once sat and imagine him rising before the packed gallery and his colleagues, his eyes blazing as he thunderously defends the Union against the forces of secession. But these moments fade quickly. Except for the few minutes that it takes to vote, my colleagues and I don’t spend much time on the Senate floor. Most of the decisions— about what bills to call and when to call them, about how amendments will be handled and how uncooperative senators will be made to cooperate—have been worked out well in advance by the majority leader, the relevant committee chairman, their staffs, and (depending on the degree of controversy involved and the magnanimity of the Republican handling the bill) their Democratic counterparts. By the time we reach the floor and the clerk starts calling the roll, each of the senators will have determined—in consultation with his or her staff, caucus leader, preferred lobbyists, interest groups, constituent mail, and ideological leanings—just how to position himself on the issue. It makes for an efficient process, which is much appreciated by the members, who are juggling twelve- or thirteen-hour schedules and want to get back to their offices to meet constituents or return phone calls, to a nearby hotel to cultivate donors, or to the television studio for a live interview. If you stick around, though, you may see one lone senator standing at his desk after the others have left, seeking recognition to deliver a statement on the floor. It may be an explanation of a bill he’s introducing, or it may be a broader commentary on some unmet national challenge. The speaker’s voice may flareRip by XmosRips with passion; his arguments—about cuts to programs for the poor, or obstructionism on judicial appointments, or the need for energy independence—may be soundly constructed. But the speaker will be addressing a near-empty chamber: just the presiding officer, a few staffers, the Senate reporter, and C-SPAN’s unblinking eye. The speaker will finish. A blue-uniformed page will silently gather the statement for the official record. Another senator may enter as the first one departs, and she will stand at her desk, seek recognition, and deliver her statement, repeating the ritual. In the world’s greatest deliberative body, no one is listening
Adaptive Optics for Vision Science Principles Practices Design and Applications - Original PDF
نویسندگان: خلاصه: The high transverse resolution of retinal imaging systems equipped with adaptive optics provides a unique opportunity to record these eye move- ments with very high accuracy. Putnam et al. showed that it is possible to record the retinal location of a fixation target on discrete trials with an error at least 5 times smaller than the diameter of the smallest foveal cones [63]. We used this capability to measure the standard deviation of fixation positions FIGURE 1.7 Images of the cone mosaics of 10 subjects with normal color vision, obtained with the combined methods of adaptive optics imaging and retinal densi- tometry. The images are false colored so that blue, green, and red are used to repre- sent the S, M, and L cones, respectively. (The true colors of these cones are yellow, purple, and bluish-purple). The mosaics illustrate the enormous variability in L/M cone ratio. The L/M cone ratios are (A) 0.37, (B) 1.11, (C) 1.14, (D) 1.24, (E) 1.77, (F) 1.88, (G) 2.32, (H) 2.36, (I) 2.46, (J) 3.67, (K) 3.90, and (L) 16.54. The proportion of S cones is relatively constant across eyes, ranging from 3.9 to 6.6% of the total population. Images were taken either 1° or 1.25° from the foveal center. For two of the 10 subjects, two different retinal locations are shown. Panels (D) and (E) show images from nasal and temporal retinas, respectively, for one subject; (J) and (K) show images from nasal and temporal retinas for another subject. Images (C), (J), and (K) are from Roorda and Williams [52]. All other images were made by Heidi Hofer. (See insert for a color representation of this figure.) (From Williams and Hofer [57]. Reprinted with permission from The MIT Press.) across discrete fixation trials, obtaining values that ranged from 2.1 to 6.3 arcmin, with an average of 3.4 arcmin, in agreement with previous studies [63, 64]. Interestingly, the mean fixation location on the retina was displaced from the location of highest foveal cone density by an average of about 10 arcmin (as shown in Fig. 1.8), indicating that cone density alone does not drive the location on the retina selected for fixation. This method may have interesting future applications in studies that require the submicron registra- tion of stimuli with respect to the retina or delivering light to retinal features as small as single cells. Whereas the method developed by our group can only record eye position on discrete trials, Scott Stevenson and Austin Roorda have shown that it is possible to extract continuous eye movement records from video-rate images obtained with an adaptive optics scanning laser ophthalmoscope (AOSLO) [66]. Eye movements cause local warping of the image within single video frames as well as translation between frames. The warping and translation information in the images can be used to recover a record of the eye move- ments that is probably as accurate as any method yet devised. This is illus- trated in Figure 1.9, which compares the eye movement record from the AOSLO with that from a Dual Purkinje Eye Tracker. The noise in the AOSLO trace is on the order of a few arc seconds compared to about a minute of arc for the Dual Purkinje Eye Tracker. Note also the greatly reduced overshoot following a saccade in the AOSLO trace. These overshoots are thought to be partly artifacts caused by lens wobble following the saccade and do not reflect the true position of the retinal image. The AOSLO is not susceptible to this artifact because it tracks the retinal position directly rather than relying on reflections from the anterior optics.
Killing Hope_ US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II. Part 1-Zed Books Ltd (2003) - Original PDF
نویسندگان: خلاصه: Introduction A Brief History of the Cold War and Anti-communism Our fear that communism might someday take over most of the world blinds us to the fact that anti- communism already has. —Michael Parenti1 It was in the early days of the fighting in Vietnam that a Vietcong officer said to his American prisoner: "You were our heroes after the War. We read American books and saw American films, and a common phrase in those days was "to be as rich and as wise as an American". What happened?"2 An American might have been asked something similar by a Guatemalan, an Indonesian or a Cuban during the ten years previous, or by a Uruguayan, a Chilean or a Greek in the decade subsequent. The remarkable international goodwill and credibility enjoyed by the United States at the close of the Second World War was dissipated country-by-country, intervention-by-intervention. The opportunity to build the war- ravaged world anew, to lay the foundations for peace, prosperity and justice, collapsed under the awful weight of anti-communism. The weight had been accumulating for some time; indeed, since Day One of the Russian Revolution. By the summer of 1918 some 13,000 American troops could be found in the newly-born Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Two years and thousands of casualties later, the American troops left, having failed in their mission to "strangle at its birth" the Bolshevik state, as Winston Churchill put it.3 The young Churchill was Great Britain's Minister for War and Air during this period. Increasingly, it was he who directed the invasion of the Soviet Union by the Allies (Great Britain, the US, France, Japan and several other nations) on the side of the counter-revolutionary "White Army". Years later, Churchill the historian was to record his views of this singular affair for posterity: Were they [the Allies] at war with Soviet Russia? Certainly not; but they shot Soviet Russians at sight. They stood as invaders on Russian soil. They armed the enemies of the Soviet Government. They blockaded its ports, and sunk its battleships. They earnestly desired and schemed its downfall. But war—shocking! Interference—shame! It was, they repeated, a matter of indifference to them how Russians settled their own internal affairs. They were impartial—Bang!4 What was there about this Bolshevik Revolution that so alarmed the most powerful nations in the world? What drove them to invade a land whose soldiers had recently fought alongside them for over three years and suffered more casualties than any other country on either side of the World War? The Bolsheviks had had the audacity to make a separate peace with Germany in order to take leave of a war they regarded as imperialist and not in any way their war, and to try and rebuild a terribly weary and devastated Russia. But the Bolsheviks had displayed the far greater audacity of overthrowing a capitalist- feudal system and proclaiming the first socialist state in the history of the world. This was uppityness writ incredibly large. This was the crime the Allies had to punish, the virus which had to be eradicated lest it spread to their own people. 6 The invasion did not achieve its immediate purpose, but its consequences were nonetheless profound and persist to the present day. Professor D.F. Fleming, the Vanderbilt University historian of the Cold War, has noted: For the American people the cosmic tragedy of the interventions in Russia does not exist, or it was an unimportant incident long forgotten. But for the Soviet peoples and their leaders the period was a time of endless killing, of looting and rapine, of plague and famine, of measureless suffering for scores of millions— an experience burned into the very soul of a nation, not to be forgotten for many generations, if ever. Also for many years the harsh Soviet regimentations could all be justified by fear that the capitalist powers would be back to finish the job. It is not strange that in his address in New York, September 17, 1959, Premier Khrushchev should remind us of the interventions, "the time you sent your troops to quell the revolution", as he put it.5 In what could be taken as a portent of superpower insensitivity, a 1920 Pentagon report on the intervention reads: "This expedition affords one of the finest examples in history of honorable, unselfish dealings ... under very difficult circumstances to be helpful to a people struggling to achieve a new liberty."6 History does not tell us what a Soviet Union, allowed to develop in a "normal" way of its own choosing, would look like today. We do know, however, the nature of a Soviet Union attacked in its cradle, raised alone in an extremely hostile world, and, when it managed to survive to adulthood, overrun by the Nazi war machine with the blessings of the Western powers. The resulting insecurities and fears have inevitably led to deformities of character not unlike that found in an individual raised in a similar life- threatening manner. We in the West are never allowed to forget the political shortcomings (real and bogus) of the Soviet Union; at the same time we are never reminded of the history which lies behind it. The anti-communist propaganda campaign began even earlier than the military intervention. Before the year 1918 was over, expressions in the vein of "Red Peril", "the Bolshevik assault on civilization", and "menace to world by Reds is seen" had become commonplace in the pages of the New York Times. During February and March 1919, a US Senate Judiciary Subcommittee held heatings before which many "Bolshevik horror stories" were presented. The character of some of the testimony can be gauged by the headline in the usually sedate Times of 12 February 1919: DESCRIBE HORRORS UNDER RED RULE. R.E. SIMONS AND W.W. WELSH TELL SENATORS OF BRUTALITIES OF BOLSHEV1KI— STRIP WOMEN IN STREETS—PEOPLE OF EVERY CLASS EXCEPT THE SCUM SUBJECTED TO VIOLENCE BY MOBS
Biology of sharks and their relatives (2nd Edition) - Original PDF
نویسندگان: خلاصه: We developed the content and published Biology of Sharks and Their Relatives (Volume I) because of a need for an updated, timely reference volume on the biology of sharks, skates, rays, and chimaeras. In the Preface to that first volume, we noted that little in the way of comprehensive summaries of chondrichthyan biology had been done since the volumes of research papers produced by Perry Gilbert in 1963 and 1967. Sharks and Survival and Sharks, Skates, and Rays, at that time, provided a comprehensive examination of shark research and served as points of departure for future studies. It was over 20 years after the publication of Dr. Gilbert’s edited volumes that Elasmobranchs as Living Resources, edited by Wes Pratt, Sonny Gruber, and Toru Taniuchi, was published in 1990, followed nearly a decade later by Will Hamlett’s extensive review (1999) of the anatomy and fine structure of elasmobranch fishes.
The sociology of community connections - Original PDF
نویسندگان: خلاصه: The Sociology of Community Connections is about how we interact and connect with one another as individuals and groups in a variety of social situations. We interact out of necessity and connect as a consequence of choice, and it is our connections that create community. Networks of communities that are interdependent, diverse, and responsive to change, yet cohesive, provide the infrastructure for a healthy society. In today's world, our societal infrastructure is continuously being tested by forces and demands that attempt to alter it, and thereby change the nature of how we connect within our various communities. We need to analyze these forces and demands and understand the impact they have on our connections so that, individually and collectively, we can create more social capital than we use. In the last decade, as the world has become smaller and more interdependent, the definition of community has changed. In our society--indeed, in the world--there seem to be more broken and fragmented relationships than in the past, an absence of connections where they appear to be needed, an uncertainty and lack of trust in relationships we have sustained, and a tendency to select, restrict, and even plan those connections that promote self-interest. This graduate-level text explains how our early connections and attachments are formed and discusses past and present conceptions of community. A major portion of the book describes how the sociology of connections takes place in a variety of communities such as: immigrant and ethnic communities, the fragmented communities of the poor and homeless, communities experiencing crises, communities of exclusion and excluded communities, religious communities, cyber communities and solitary communities. The Sociology of Community Connections is highly recommended for classes in sociology, social work, social and cultural anthropology, community psychology, communications, criminal justice, and urban planning.آیا کتاب مورد نظر هنوز بر روی سایت قرار نگرفته است؟ جای نگرانی نیست! کافی است بر روی گزینه سفارش کتاب کلیک کرده و درخواست خود را ثبت کنید. در کمتر از چند ساعت کتاب شما را آماده خواهیم کرد.